What is the World Trade Organization?

Simply put: the World Trade Organization (WTO) deals with the rules of trade between nations at a global or near-global level. But there is more to it than that.

Is it a bird, is it a plane?

There are a number of ways of looking at the WTO. It’s an organization for liberalizing trade. It’s a forum for governments to negotiate trade agreements. It’s a place for them to settle trade disputes. It operates a system of trade rules. (But it’s not Superman, just in case anyone thought it could solve — or cause — all the world’s problems!)

Above all, it’s a negotiating forum … Essentially, the WTO is a place where member governments go, to try to sort out the trade problems they face with each other. The first step is to talk. The WTO was born out of negotiations, and everything the WTO does is the result of negotiations. The bulk of the WTO's current work comes from the 1986-94 negotiations called the Uruguay Round and earlier negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The WTO is currently the host to new negotiations, under the “Doha Development Agenda” launched in 2001.

Where countries have faced trade barriers and wanted them lowered, the negotiations have helped to liberalize trade. But the WTO is not just about liberalizing trade, and in some circumstances its rules support maintaining trade barriers — for example to protect consumers or prevent the spread of disease.

It’s a set of rules … At its heart are the WTO agreements, negotiated and signed by the bulk of the world’s trading nations. These documents provide the legal ground-rules for international commerce. They are essentially contracts, binding governments to keep their trade policies within agreed limits. Although negotiated and signed by governments, the goal is to help producers of goods and services, exporters, and importers conduct their business, while allowing governments to meet social and environmental objectives.

The system’s overriding purpose is to help trade flow as freely as possible — so long as there are no undesirable side-effects — because this is important for economic development and well-being. That partly means removing obstacles. It also means ensuring that individuals, companies and governments know what the trade rules are around the world, and giving them the confidence that there will be no sudden changes of policy. In other words, the rules have to be “transparent” and predictable.

And it helps to settle disputes … This is a third important side to the WTO’s work. Trade relations often involve conflicting interests. Agreements, including those painstakingly negotiated in the WTO system, often need interpreting. The most harmonious way to settle these differences is through some neutral procedure based on an agreed legal foundation. That is the purpose behind the dispute settlement process written into the WTO agreements.

Born in 1995, but not so young

The WTO began life on 1 January 1995, but its trading system is half a century older. Since 1948, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) had provided the rules for the system. (The second WTO ministerial meeting, held in Geneva in May 1998, included a celebration of the 50th anniversary of the system.)

It did not take long for the General Agreement to give birth to an unofficial, de facto international organization, also known informally as GATT. Over the years GATT evolved through several rounds of negotiations.

The last and largest GATT round, was the Uruguay Round which lasted from 1986 to 1994 and led to the WTO’s creation. Whereas GATT had mainly dealt with trade in goods, the WTO and its agreements now cover trade in services, and in traded inventions, creations and designs (intellectual property).

Principles of the trading system

The WTO agreements are lengthy and complex because they are legal texts covering a wide range of activities. They deal with: agriculture, textiles and clothing, banking, telecommunications, government purchases, industrial standards and product safety, food sanitation regulations, intellectual property, and much more. But a number of simple, fundamental principles run throughout all of these documents. These principles are the foundation of the multilateral trading system.

Members and Observers

151 members on 27 July 2007

GATT rounds of negotiations

The GATT was the only multilateral instrument governing international trade from 1948 until the WTO was established in 1995. Despite attempts in the mid 1950s and 1960s to create some form of institutional mechanism for international trade, the GATT continued to operate for almost half a century as a semi-institutionalized multilateral treaty regime on a provisional basis.

From Geneva to Tokyo

Seven rounds of negotiations occurred under the GATT. The first GATT trade rounds concentrated on further reducing tariffs. Then, the Kennedy Round in the mid-sixties brought about a GATT anti-dumping Agreement and a section on development. The Tokyo Round during the seventies was the first major attempt to tackle trade barriers that do not take the form of tariffs, and to improve the system, adopting a series of agreements on non-tariff barriers, which in some cases interpreted existing GATT rules, and in others broke entirely new ground. Because these plurilateral agreements were not accepted by the full GATT membership, they were often informally called "codes". Several of these codes were amended in the Uruguay Round, and turned into multilateral commitments accepted by all WTO members. Only four remained plurilateral (those on government procurement, bovine meat, civil aircraft and dairy products), but in 1997 WTO members agreed to terminate the bovine meat and dairy agreements, leaving only two.

Uruguay Round

Well before GATT's 40th anniversary, its members concluded that the GATT system was straining to adapt to a new globalizing world economy. In response to the problems identified in the 1982 Ministerial Declaration (structural deficiencies, spill-over impacts of certain countries' policies on world trade GATT could not manage etc.), the eighth GATT round — known as the Uruguay Round — was launched in September 1986, in Punta del Este, Uruguay. It was the biggest negotiating mandate on trade ever agreed: the talks were going to extend the trading system into several new areas, notably trade in services and intellectual property, and to reform trade in the sensitive sectors of agriculture and textiles; all the original GATT articles were up for review.

The round was supposed to end in December 1990, but the US and EU disagreed on how to reform agricultural trade and decided to extend the talks. Finally, In November 1992, the US and EU settled most of their differences in a deal known informally as "the Blair House accord", and on April 15, 1994, the deal was signed by ministers from most of the 123 participating governments at a meeting in Marrakesh, Morocco. The agreement established the World Trade Organization, which came into being upon its entry into force on January 1, 1995, and replaced GATT as an international organization. It is widely regarded as the most profound institutional reform of the world trading system since the GATT's establishment.

During the Doha Round, the US government blamed Brazil and India for being inflexible, and the EU for impeding agricultural imports. President of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, responded to the criticisms arguing that progress will be only achieved if the richest countries (especially the US and EU) make deeper cuts in their agricultural subsidies, and open further their markets for agricultural goods.

The GATT still exists as the WTO's umbrella treaty for trade in goods, updated as a result of the Uruguay Round negotiations (a distinction is made between GATT 1994, the updated parts of GATT, and GATT 1947, the original agreement which is still the heart of GATT 1994). The GATT 1994 is not however the only legally binding agreement included in the Final Act; a long list of about 60 agreements, annexes, decisions and understandings was adopted. In fact, the agreements fall into a simple structure with six main parts:

• an umbrella agreement (the Agreement Establishing the WTO);
• agreements for each of the three broad areas of trade that the WTO covers: goods and investment (the Multilateral Agreements on Trade in Goods including the GATT 1994 and the TRIMS), services (GATS), and intellectual property (TRIPS);
• dispute settlement (DSU); and
• reviews of governments' trade policies (TPRM).^[21]

Doha Round

The WTO launched the current round of negotiations, the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) or Doha Round, at the Fourth Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar in November 2001. The Doha round was to be an ambitious effort to make globalisation more inclusive and help the world's poor, particularly by slashing barriers and subsidies in farming. The initial agenda comprised both further trade liberalization and new rule-making, underpinned by commitments to strengthen substantially assistance to developing countries.

The talks have been highly contentious and agreement has not been reached, despite the intense negotiations at Fifth Ministerial Conference in Cancún in 2003 and at the Sixth Ministerial Conference in Hong Kong on December 13 - 18, 2005. On July 24, 2006, at the end of yet another futile gathering of trade ministers in Geneva, Pascal Lamy, the WTO's Director-General, formally suspended the negotiations. Nevertheless, in his report to the WTO General Council on February 7, 2007, Lamy said that "political conditions are now more favorable for the conclusion of the Round than they have been for a long time". He then added that "political leaders around the world clearly want us to get fully back to business, although we in turn need their continuing commitment".

The Uruguay Round In Detail

It took seven and a half years, almost twice the original schedule. By the end, 123 countries were taking part. It covered almost all trade, from toothbrushes to pleasure boats, from banking to telecommunications, from the genes of wild rice to AIDS treatments. It was quite simply the largest trade negotiation ever, and most probably the largest negotiation of any kind in history.

At times it seemed doomed to fail. But in the end, the Uruguay Round brought about the biggest reform of the world’s trading system since GATT was created at the end of the Second World War. And yet, despite its troubled progress, the Uruguay Round did see some early results. Within only two years, participants had agreed on a package of cuts in import duties on tropical products — which are mainly exported by developing countries. They had also revised the rules for settling disputes, with some measures implemented on the spot. And they called for regular reports on GATT members’ trade policies, a move considered important for making trade regimes transparent around the world.

A round to end all rounds?

The seeds of the Uruguay Round were sown in November 1982 at a ministerial meeting of GATT members in Geneva. Although the ministers intended to launch a major new negotiation, the conference stalled on agriculture and was widely regarded as a failure. In fact, the work programme that the ministers agreed formed the basis for what was to become the Uruguay Round negotiating agenda.

Nevertheless, it took four more years of exploring, clarifying issues and painstaking consensus-building, before ministers agreed to launch the new round. They did so in September 1986, in Punta del Este, Uruguay. They eventually accepted a negotiating agenda that covered virtually every outstanding trade policy issue. The talks were going to extend the trading system into several new areas, notably trade in services and intellectual property, and to reform trade in the sensitive sectors of agriculture and textiles. All the original GATT articles were up for review. It was the biggest negotiating mandate on trade ever agreed, and the ministers gave themselves four years to complete it.

Two years later, in December 1988, ministers met again in Montreal, Canada, for what was supposed to be an assessment of progress at the round’s half-way point. The purpose was to clarify the agenda for the remaining two years, but the talks ended in a deadlock that was not resolved until officials met more quietly in Geneva the following April.

Despite the difficulty, during the Montreal meeting, ministers did agree a package of early results. These included some concessions on market access for tropical products — aimed at assisting developing countries — as well as a streamlined dispute settlement system, and the Trade Policy Review Mechanism which provided for the first comprehensive, systematic and regular reviews of national trade policies and practices of GATT members. The round was supposed to end when ministers met once more in Brussels, in December 1990. But they disagreed on how to reform agricultural trade and decided to extend the talks. The Uruguay Round entered its bleakest period.

Despite the poor political outlook, a considerable amount of technical work continued, leading to the first draft of a final legal agreement. This draft “Final Act” was compiled by the then GATT director-general, Arthur Dunkel, who chaired the negotiations at officials’ level. It was put on the table in Geneva in December 1991. The text fulfilled every part of the Punta del Este mandate, with one exception — it did not contain the participating countries’ lists of commitments for cutting import duties and opening their services markets. The draft became the basis for the final agreement.

Over the following two years, the negotiations lurched between impending failure, to predictions of imminent success. Several deadlines came and went. New points of major conflict emerged to join agriculture: services, market access, anti-dumping rules, and the proposed creation of a new institution. Differences between the United States and European Union became central to hopes for a final, successful conclusion.

In November 1992, the US and EU settled most of their differences on agriculture in a deal known informally as the “Blair House accord”. By July 1993 the “Quad” (US, EU, Japan and Canada) announced significant progress in negotiations on tariffs and related subjects (“market access”). It took until 15 December 1993 for every issue to be finally resolved and for negotiations on market access for goods and services to be concluded (although some final touches were completed in talks on market access a few weeks later). On 15 April 1994, the deal was signed by ministers from most of the 123 participating governments at a meeting in Marrakesh, Morocco.

The delay had some merits. It allowed some negotiations to progress further than would have been possible in 1990: for example some aspects of services and intellectual property, and the creation of the WTO itself. But the task had been immense, and negotiation-fatigue was felt in trade bureaucracies around the world. The difficulty of reaching agreement on a complete package containing almost the entire range of current trade issues led some to conclude that a negotiation on this scale would never again be possible. Yet, the Uruguay Round agreements contain timetables for new negotiations on a number of topics. And by 1996, some countries were openly calling for a new round early in the next century. The response was mixed; but the Marrakesh agreement did already include commitments to reopen negotiations on agriculture and services at the turn of the century. These began in early 2000 and were incorporated into the Doha Development Agenda in late 2001.

What happened to GATT?

The WTO replaced GATT as an international organization, but the General Agreement still exists as the WTO’s umbrella treaty for trade in goods, updated as a result of the Uruguay Round negotiations. Trade lawyers distinguish between GATT 1994, the updated parts of GATT, and GATT 1947, the original agreement which is still the heart of GATT 1994. Confusing? For most of us, it’s enough to refer simply to “GATT”.

The post-Uruguay Round built-in agenda

Many of the Uruguay Round agreements set timetables for future work. Part of this “built-in agenda” started almost immediately. In some areas, it included new or further negotiations. In other areas, it included assessments or reviews of the situation at specified times. Some negotiations were quickly completed, notably in basic telecommunications, financial services. (Member governments also swiftly agreed a deal for freer trade in information technology products, an issue outside the “built-in agenda”.)

The agenda originally built into the Uruguay Round agreements has seen additions and modifications. A number of items are now part of the Doha Agenda, some of them updated.

There were well over 30 items in the original built-in agenda. This is a selection of highlights:

1996

• Maritime services: market access negotiations to end (30 June 1996, suspended to 2000, now part of Doha Development Agenda)
• Services and environment: deadline for working party report (ministerial conference, December 1996)
• Government procurement of services: negotiations start

1997

• Basic telecoms: negotiations end (15 February)
• Financial services: negotiations end (30 December)
• Intellectual property, creating a multilateral system of notification and registration of geographical indications for wines: negotiations start, now part of Doha Development Agenda

1998

• Textiles and clothing: new phase begins 1 January
• Services (emergency safeguards): results of negotiations on emergency safeguards to take effect (by 1 January 1998, deadline now March 2004)
• Rules of origin: Work programme on harmonization of rules of origin to be completed (20 July 1998)
• Government procurement: further negotiations start, for improving rules and procedures (by end of 1998)
• Dispute settlement: full review of rules and procedures (to start by end of 1998)

1999

• Intellectual property: certain exceptions to patentability and protection of plant varieties: review starts

2000

• Agriculture: negotiations start, now part of Doha Development Agenda
• Services: new round of negotiations start, now part of Doha Development Agenda
• Tariff bindings: review of definition of “principle supplier” having negotiating rights under GATT Art 28 on modifying bindings
• Intellectual property: first of two-yearly reviews of the implementation of the agreement

2002

• Textiles and clothing: new phase begins 1 January

2005

Textiles and clothing: full integration into GATT and agreement expires 1 January

Different trade rounds

Geneva April 1947 7 months 23

Annecy April 1949 5 months 13

Torquay September 1950 8 months

Geneva II January 1956 5 months
Dillon September 1960 11 months

Kennedy May 1964 37 months
Tokyo September 1973 74 months

Uruguay September 1986 87 months

Doha November 2001 but not yet concluded.

A brief history

The Narmada river originates from the Maikal ranges at Amarkantak, 1057 m above the sea-level, now in Shahdol district of Madhya Pradesh. In its 1312 km long journey before joining the Arabian Sea, the Narmada flows through the three states of Madhya Pradesh (MP), Maharashtra and Gujarat. Nearly 90% of the flow is in MP, and most of the remaining is in Gujarat. It flows for a very brief stretch through Maharashtra.

The valley of the river Narmada (which means one who endows with bliss) has been the seat of an uninterrupted flow of human civilization dating from pre-historic times. The Narmada finds mention as one of the seven most sacred rivers in ancient Indian texts. A number of written accounts and ballads refer to this river. Its banks are dotted with temples, myths and folklore, the living symbols of a timeless Indian tradition. The river Narmada has supported a bewildering variety of people and diverse socio-cultural practices ranging from the relatively autonomous adivasi (tribal) settlements in the forests to non-tribal rural population.

The idea of damming the Narmada was discussed as far back as the late 19th century during the days of the British Raj. The first Irrigation Commission of India, in its 1901 report, mentions a barrage near Bharuch. However the black alluvial soil of the region was not considered suitable for flow irrigation from the point of view of investment.

The issue of damming the river was raised again after independence under the thrust of the Nehruvian Development policy which referred to dams as the "temples of modern India." It is said that the first Home Minister of India, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel who hailed from the strong agrarian background of central Gujarat dreamt of harnessing the river for the benefit of his own people. This "dream" syndrome became very strong and was subsequently used by every politician in Gujarat to leverage political support for the Narmada project.

The Narmada valley project was mired in controversy and dispute right from its inception. In 1965, the Khosla committee planned a 530 feet high dam in Navagam (the site of the Sardar Sarovar dam today) while allocating 13.9 MAF (million acre feet) of water to MP and 10.6 MAF to Gujarat. This proposal was immediately locked in a dispute between the so-called riparian states i.e. Gujarat, Maharashtra and MP over the sharing of the costs and benefits of the project. The chief minister of MP, Mr. Govind Narayan Singh, objected to the unprecedented submergence as a result of the dam and contested the claims of Gujarat on the Narmada waters. Gujarat on the other hand claimed a higher share of water on the basis of the projected needs of the "drought prone area" in the far-off Kutch region. In this effort, Gujarat also made Rajasthan a party to give itself more bargaining power, although Rajasthan - a non-riparian state - had nothing to do with the project.

In 1969, the Government of India under Mrs. Indira Gandhi constituted the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal (NWDT) to resolve this inter-state water dispute. The Tribunal itself was subjected to a series of wranglings between Gujarat and MP. While MP proposed a dam height 210 feet, Gujarat demanded that the height of the dam be 530 feet. While Gujarat put its water requirement at 22 MAF, MP would concede only 4 MAF. Finally in 1979, after 10 years of deliberations, the Tribunal gave its award which consisted of clear compromises between the claims of Gujarat and MP. Accordingly they allocated 9 MAF of water to Gujarat. and arrived at the 453 feet for the height of the dam. Subsequently, 2 extra feet were added to the dam height for completely unknown reasons to bring the height to round figure of 455 feet. After a token show of resistance, the main political formations in MP accepted the award.

The full contours of the Narmada Valley Development Plan (NVDP) appeared only towards the late 1980s. It is an ambitious plan which envisages the building of 30 big dams, 135 medium dams and 3000 small dams on the Narmada & its tributaries. If all of these dams ever get built then the river as we know it will disappear and all that will be left are a series of lakes.

Map of proposed large dams on the Narmada

Sites of struggle

Of the 30 big dams proposed along the Narmada, Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP) and Narmada Sagar Project (NSP) are the megadams. The Maheshwar and Omkareshwar dams along with SSP and NSP, are to form a complex which would ultimately cater to the needs of SSP. The struggle of the people of the Narmada valley against large dams began when the people to be displaced by SSP began organizing in 1985-86. Since then the struggle has spread to encompass other major dams in various stages of planning and construction chiefly Maheshwar, Narmada Sagar, Maan, Goi and Jobat. Tawa and Bargi Dams were completed in 1973 and 1989 respectively have seen the affected people organize post-displacement to demand their rights.

The Sardar Sarovar Dam : a Brief Introduction

Amongst the 30 large dams planned for the Narmada, the Sardar Sarovar dam is the largest. With a proposed height of 136.5 m (455 feet), it is the focal point of both the dam-builders plans and the Narmada Bachao Andolan's opposition. The Govt claims that the multi-purpose Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP) would irrigate more than 1.8 million hectares (mostly in Gujarat, some in Rajasthan) and quench the thirst of the drought prone areas of Kutch and Saurashtra in Gujarat. The opponents of the dam counter that these benefits are grossly exaggerated and would never accrue to the extent suggested by the Govt. Instead the project would displace more than 320,000 people and affect the livelihood of thousands of others. Overall, due to related displacements by the canal system and other allied projects, at least 1 million people are expected to be affected if the project is completed.

Map #1: Command area of the SSP Map #2: Command area of the SSP Map #3: Project area of the SSP

With no information forthcoming from the Govt. regarding the details of the project, the plans for the people to be affected etc. the NBA declared its opposition to the entire project taking into consideration the scale of adverse impacts. Throughout 1990-91, with a series of dharnas (sit-in's), non-violent protests (satyagraha) the NBA highlighted the plight of the oustees and the fundamentally flawed nature of the project. Under intense pressure, the World Bank (which was funding the dam to the tune of $450 million) was forced to constitute an independent review committee, the Morse Commission. The first independent review of any of the Bank funded projects, the Morse Report indicted the Bank on many counts and tacitly endorsed all the main concerns raised by the Andolan. The resultant international furore forced the Bank to finally withdraw from the project (with mutually face-saving measures for the Banks and the Govt. of India which asked the Bank to leave one day before the deadline for some stipulations was to expire).

Following a writ petition by the NBA calling for a comprehensive review of the project to take into consideration all the concerns raised, the Supreme Court of India halted construction of the dam in 1995 at a height of 80.3m. However, in an interim order in February 1999, the Supreme Court gave the go ahead for the dam's height to be raised to a height of 88m (85m + 3m of "humps"). The resultant increased flooding in the monsoon season of 1999 can potentially drown the homes and lands of as many as 2000 tribal families in about 50 villages.

On October 18, 2000, the Supreme Court of India delivered its judgement on the Sardar Sarovar Project. In a 2 to 1 majority judgement, it allowed immediate construction on the dam upto a height of 90m. Further, the judgement authorized construction upto the originally planned height of 138m. in 5-meter increments subject to receiving approval from the Relief and Rehabilitation Subgroup of the Narmada Control Authority. It should be noted that the Court has said nothing new on the matter. The Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal Award states that land should be made available to the oustees at least an year in advance before submergence (Clause IX, Subclause IV(2)(iv) and Subclause IV(6)(i)). The essentially unfettered clearance from the Supreme Court has come from the Court despite major unresolved issues on resettlement, the environment, and the project's costs and benfits.

The Maheshwar Dam : a Brief Introduction

The Maheshwar Dam is part of the Narmada Valley Development Project that entails the construction of 30 large and 135 medium-sized dams in the Narmada Valley. Maheshwar is one of the planned large dams and is slated to provide 400 Megawatts in energy. The project has been planned since 1978 and was originally under the auspices of the Narmada Valley Development Authority. In 1989 the responsibility for Maheshwar was conferred on the Madhya Pradesh Electricity Board (MPEB). Subsequently in 1993, the concession for the Maheshwar Project was awarded to the S. Kumars, a textile magnate. In 1994, the project received a conditional environmental clearance from the Central Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF). Maheshwar is the first privately financed hydroelectric dam in India and is expected to displace around 35,000 people. As with Sardar Sarovar, the details of resettlement and compensation are nowhere near a satisfactory state of affairs. The NBA has been leading the movement against the Maheshwar dam.

On December 13th, 2000, Ogden Corporation joined the procession of companies that were forced to withdraw from the Maheshwar project. In 1998 and then 1999, first, the US power utility Pacgen and then the German power utilities Bayernwerk and VEW Energie withdrew from the Maheshwar Project. Subsequently, in June, 2000, a team of international experts commissioned by the Development Ministry of the German government visited the valley and came out with a report that sharply indicted the Project. In the wake of the report, Siemens was compelled to withdraw its application for an export guarantee from the German government, and a proposed loan of Rs.5700 million from a German bank fell through.

The Maan dam is one of the 30 large dams that has been planned as part of the Narmada Valley Development Project (NVDP). It is being constructed on the river Maan (that drains into the Narmada River) as an irrigation project in the Dhar district of Madhya Pradesh.

Maan Dam

The Maan Project received the legally binding environmental clearance from the Central Environment Ministry in 1994. The condition of the clearance was that the affected tribals must be resettled with non-forest agricultural land. The state government policy for the oustees of the Narmada Projects that was made in 1987 and firmed in 1992 also required that the affected people must be resettled with land for land. Despite this from 1991 to 1994, the state government completely violated the conditions of the environmental clearance and the provisions of its own policy and finished the rights of the people with paltry amounts of cash compensation.

As a result, in 1994, the Appraisal Committee of the Central Environment Ministry blacklisted the Maan Project for complete violation of the conditions of the environmental clearance. In 1997, when the oustees were given eviction notices, they organized themselves under the aegis of the Narmada Bachao Andolan and raised their voices. After a long struggle, in April­May 1999, the Madhya Pradesh government agreed to constitute a committee for the rehabilitation of the affected people. This committee which was constituted under the chairmanship of the Narmada Minister of Madhya Pradesh comprised of the affected people, elected representatives, government officials and two members of the Narmada Bachao Andolan. The government order of 2nd May, 1999 that constituted this committee clearly stated that no construction work on the dam would be allowed to be carried out that would endanger any affected person whose rehabilitation had not been completed. But despite this clear order, from October 2000 onwards, the state government began work on the spillway section of the dam, thus creating a situation of imminent submergence of hundreds of tribal families who are yet to be rehabilitated.

On the 24th of January this year, the Maan-affected tribals then took out a protest rally in Dhar demanding immediate stoppage of work and rehabilitation of the affected people. Subsequently after representations to the NVDA, a government order of 30th January stopped the work on the spillway section of the dam. The actual physical work had to be stopped by demonstrating people at the dam site demanding that the order be carried out.

The situation as of today is that the government has decided to carry on the construction and drown out the people. The people of the Maan project area have resolved to stop the Project through non- violent but militant struggle. But the reality is that the spillway section of the dam is being plugged in at the rate of a foot a day. It is crucial that all work on the dam must immediately stop.

The Indira-Sagar Dam

The Indira Sagar dam is being built on the Narmada river approx. 10 km from Punasa village in Khandwa district in Western Madhya Pradesh.

Modern History

Modern Period

__________________________________________________________________________

Asaf Jahis

The founder of this dynasty was one Mir Kamaruddin, a noble and a courtier of the Mughal Muhammad Shah, who negotiated for a peace treaty with Nadirshah, the Iranian invader; got disgusted with the intrigues that prevailed in Delhi. He was on his way back to the Deccan, where, earlier he was a Subedar. But he had to confront Mubariz Khan, as a result of a plot by the Mughal emperor to kill the former. Mubariz Khan failed in his attempt and he was himself slain. This took place in A.D.1724, and henceforth Mir Kamaruddin, who assumed the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk, conducted himself as an independent prince. Earlier, while he was one of the Ministers of the Mughal emperor Muhammad Shah, the latter conferred on him the title of Asaf Jah. Thus begins the Asaf Jahi rule over Golconda with the capital at Aurangabad. It was only during Nizam II rule that the capital of the Deccan Subha was shifted to Hyderabad reviving its importance.

The Asafjahi Nizams are generally counted as seven, though they were ten. Nasir Jung and Muzaffar Jung, son and grandson of the Nizam I who were killed by the Kurnool and Cuddapah Nawabs and Salabatjung who also ruled for a decade, were not counted by the historians though the Mughal emperors at Delhi recognised them as Subedars of the Deccan.

The Nizams of Asafjahi dynasty who ruled the Deccan are the following:

(1) Mir Kamaruddin (Nizam-ul-Mulk - Asaf Jah I) (A.D.1724--1748), (2) Nasir Jung (A.D. 1748--1751), (3) Muzaffar Jung (A.D.1750--1751), (4) Salabat Jung (AD.1751--1761), (5) Nizam Ali Khan - Asaf Jah II (A.D.1762--1803), (6) Nizam III Sikandar Jah (A.D.1803--1829), (7) Nizam IV -- Nasir-ud-Daula (A.D.1829--1857), (8) Nizam V -- Afzal-ud-Daula (A.D.1857--1869), (9) Nizam VI -- Mir Mahaboob Ali Khan (A.D.1869--1911), and (10) Nizam VII -- Mir Osman Ali Khan (AD.1911--1948 September).

Though Hyderabad was founded in A.D.1590--91 and built by Muhammad Quli, the fifth king of the Qutbshahi dynasty, it was a princely capital under them. The pomp and peagantry of the fabulous Asafjahi Nizams gained an all-India importance as well as World wide recognition. The rule of the Nizams lasted not only for a much longer period from A.D.1724 to 1948 but also concerned a large territory with diverse language groups that came under their sway.

The authority of the founder of the State of Hyderabad, Asafjah I, extended from Narmada to Trichinapally and from Machilipatnam to Bijapur. During the period of Afzal-ud-Daula (A.D.1857--1869) it was estimated to be 95,337 sq.miles (2,46,922.83 sq.kms.), forming a lateral square of more than 450 miles (724.17 kms.) each way.

After Nizam I, Asaf Jah, died in A.D.1748, there was tussle for power among his son, Nasar Jung, and grandson Muzaffar Jung. The English supported Nasar Jung whereas Muzaffar Jung got support from the French. These two heirs were subsequently killed by Nawabs of Kurnool and Cuddapah, one after another, in A.D.1750 and AD.1751 respectively. The third son of Nizam I, Salabat Jung became the ruler as Nizam under the support of the French.

Hostilities recommenced in India between the French and the English in AD.1758 on the outbreak of Seven Years War in Europe in A.D.1756. As a result, the French lost their power in India and consequently it also lost influence at Hyderabad. In A.D.1762 Nizam Ali Khan dislodged Salabat Jung and proclaimed himself as Nizam.

Hyderabad came into focus again when Nizam Ali Khan (Nizam II) in A.D.1763 shifted the capital of the Deccan from Aurangabad to Hyderabad. Such a move helped rapid economic growth and expansion of the city, resulting in its importance and prosperity.

Between A.D.1766 and A.D.1800, Nizam's sovereignty had declined considerably and the British gained their authority over the Nizams by compelling the latter to sign six treaties.

In A.D.1766, the Nizam signed a treaty with the British, whereby in return for the Northern Circars, the British agreed to furnish Nizam Ali Khan with a subsidiary force as and when required and to pay Rs.9 lakhs per annum when the assistance of the troops was not required in lieu of Northern Circars to be ceded to them. In A.D.1768 he signed another treaty conferring the Northern Circars to the British and the payment by the British was reduced to Rs.7 lakhs. According to another treaty, he surrendered the Guntur circar in A.D.1788. In A.D.1779, the Nizam conspired with Hyder Ali of Mysore and the Peshwa of the Marathas to drive away the English. When they learnt about his designs, the English marched against the Nizam who had to sue for peace agreeing to the presence of an English Resident along with army, artillery and cavalry at Hyderabad. Through another treaty, the Nizam was compelled to disassociate himself from Hyder Ali. In A.D.1800 yet another treaty was signed by the Nizam with the British altering the earlier treaties to increase the strength of the English army in Hyderabad. In lieu of the cost of maintenance of the force, the Nizam had to cede to the company an area comprising the districts of Rayalaseema and Bellary (now in Karnataka). With this the Nizam lost not only the territory but also reputation and power.

The East India Company acquired the Nellore region comprising the present Nellore and Prakasam districts and a part of the Chittoor district from the Nawab of Arcot in A.D.1781. Together with the other parts of the territories of the Nawab, this area was merged with the then Madras Presidency of the Company in A.D.1801. Thus, by the beginning of the 19th century, the Telugu land was divided into major divisions: one that came to be popularly called Telangana under the feudal rule of the Nizam, accounting approximately one-third of the entire land and the other, broadly designated as Andhra, in British India.

It was during the period of Nizam III -- Sikandar Jah (A.D.1803--1829), that the English cantonment, raised on the other side of Hussain Sagar, was named after him as Secunderabad. This township grew rapidly as the modern town with Railway station and other commercial establishments. The notable events under the rule (A.D. 1857--1869) of Nizam V, Afzal-ud-Daula, were the construction of the Afzal Gunj Bridge or the Nayapul, over the river Musi and the establishment of a General Hospital.

The modern era of the development of the twin cities began soon after the last flood of the river Musi in A.D.1908 which had shattered the life of the people living in Hyderabad. This necessitated the planned development of the city in a phased manner. Sri M.Vishweshwarayya, the great engineer of Mysore, was specially invited for this purpose and was appointed as adviser to the Nizam's Government to suggest measures for flood control and improvement of the city. As a result of his suggestion, Osman Sagar and Himayat Sagar were constructed in A.D.1917. These two dams not only controlled the floods from river Musi, but also supplied drinking water to the city. These spots have also become recreational centres for many people in Hyderabad. Another step taken for the development of the city was the formation of the City Improvement Board in A.D.1912, which paid greater attention to the construction of roads, markets, housing sites and shopping centres in the city. Nizam VII, Osman Ali Khan, also moved to Kingkothi, the northern suburb of the city in A.D.1914, which helped in the development of its surroundings. Several public utility services were commissioned in A.D.1922. Electricity was commissioned in A.D.1923. In A.D.1928 with the establishment of rail connection to Bangalore, the city was brought on the metre-gauge map of India. By A.D.1932 bus service was started in the city and in A.D.1936 the bus routes radiated from the capital to all the district headquarters. In A.D.1935, the Madras-Karachi Air Service was linked with Hyderabad with Hakimpet as landing ground.

Many buildings of utility like Legislative Assembly, Hyderabad and Secunderabad railway stations, the High Court, City College, the Asafia Library (present State Central Library), the Unani Hospital, the Osmania University, were constructed during the reign of Nizam VII.

If Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah was the founder of Hyderabad City, Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam VII, can be called as the maker of modern Hyderabad, in a variety of ways. The buildings constructed during his reign are impressive and represent a rich variety of architecture, such as the magnificent Osmania University, synthesizing the modern, the medieval and the ancient styles of architecture. The sprawling Osmania General Hospital in the Mughal style, the lofty High Court in Indo-Saracenic style, the stately well-proportioned Legislative Assembly building in Saracenic-Rajasthani style, symbolize his desire to build modern and majestic Hyderabad. The engineers or the architects and craftsmen of the period have to be congratulated for their talent.

A fascinating pretty edifice in the centre of the city is the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly building, with the lawns of the Public Gardens, to form the needed premises.

The noble buildings during the Asafjahis' period were the Chow Mahalla during Nizam V, Pancha Mahal, and the Falaknuma Palace. The Falaknuma, built by Nawab Viquar-ul-Umra, a Paigha Noble in A.D.1892 at a cost of Rs.40 lakhs, has become a land mark like Charminar.

The hereditary Diwans of the Nizams, the Salar Jungs were as colourful and dazzling as their masters. The Mir Alam Tank, the Mir Alam Mandi, the Salar Jung Museum, their Devdi, the Aliya School are inalienable parts of Hyderabad.

Under the Company and the Crown

It naturally took some years for the East India Company to consolidate and stabilize its rule in the Telugu area, which came under its direct rule. In the initial stages, the Company had to counter strong resistance from the Zamindars in the coastal Andhra and the Palegars in the Rayalaseema districts, that were in existence from the ancient Hindu rulers or the medieval Muslim rulers. The Company decided to use the Zamindari system to its best advantage, entrusting the Zamindars only with collection of land revenue and taking away from them the executive and judicial powers. The Company also introduced the system of `Permanent Settlement' in A.D.1802.

In Rayalaseema, the first Principal Collector, Thomas Munro, of the ceded districts suppressed all the Palegars and established a new mode of collection of land revenue directly from the tiller of the soil in A.D.1808. This system came to be known as `Ryotwari' system.

The administrative measures taken by the Company in the rest of the Telugu land also led to similar changes in the Hyderabad State of which Telangana formed a major constituent. The famine of A.D.1777 and the devastating flood in the succeeding year greatly impoverished the State of Hyderabad and its economy was badly affected. The unwise policies of the rulers led the State on the verge of bankruptcy by neck-deep debts and the Nizam was harassed by Arab and Rohilla bankers. In such situation, the Company, through its Resident, intervened and saved the Nizam. Thus, the Nizam became a dependable friend of the Company and his support to the Company in the crucial period of the War of Independence in A.D.1857 (otherwise called Sepoy Mutiny) turned out to be decisive factor in clinching the issue in favour of the Company's rule in India. In A.D.1858 the British crown took over the reign in the entire India.

Thus, the British, who entered India in the early 17th century as a trading company, gained power as its ruler for over a century and a half.

Freedom Struggle

The role of the Andhras in the Freedom Struggle is next to that of none and they had always been in the forefront along with the rest of the countrymen. The first War of Independence in A.D.1857 did in no way affect the state of affairs in the south, though ripples were felt in the State of Hyderabad, in the shape of a raid by Rohilla and Arab soldiers against the Residency and a rebellion by the Gonds in the Adilabad district under the leadership of Ramji Gond. However, in A.D.1860, the English suppressed all these rebellions.

The rest of the 19th century passed away without any event of major importance, though occasional rebellions of the peasants here and there brought out their dissatisfaction to the forefront. The introduction of English education helped the formation of a strong educated middle class, which found security of life in the Government jobs. Agriculture became the mainstay of the people, as the cottage industries, especially the cloth industry, dwindled due to the deliberate policy of the Government to encourage British industries and trade at the expense of the indigenous ones. However, construction of dams across the Godavari and the Krishna by A.D.1852 and 1855 respectively, resulted in increasing agricultural production and helped, for a time, to cloud the real issues.

The beginning of the twentieth century saw the emergence of the numerically strong, educated, confident but dissatisfied middle class, seeking equality with the white ruler. The dissatisfaction, as elsewhere, was voiced in the form of pamphleteering. The foreign government, ever vigilant in such things, sought to nip it in the bud and as a consequence of it, repressive measures were introduced. Gadicherla Hari Sarvottama Rao (1883--1960) was the first victim of the move in Andhra. He was sentenced for his seditious article `Cruel Foreign Tiger'. The young men of Andhra had their own share in the `Vande Mataram' and `Home Rule' movements also.

But, along with this agitation, a kind of constructive work was also carried on by some fore-sighted leaders such as Kopalle Hanumantha Rao (1880--1922). Long before Gandhiji thought of the constructive programme, Hanumantha Rao founded his `Andhra Jateeya Kalasala' (National College) in Machilipatnam to train young men in techniques of modern production, as he thought that it was the surest way to win independence from an imperialist rule which cared more for its markets than anything else.

In 1920, when Gandhiji started his non-co-operation movement, it had an immediate response in Andhra. Under the leadership of eminent men like Konda Venkatappaiah (1866--1948), Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu (1872--1957), Bulusu Sambamurti (1886--1958) and Bhogaraju Pattabhi Seetaramaiah (1880--1959), the Andhra young men made many a sacrifice for the cause of the Nation. Many practicing lawyers gave up their lucrative practice and many a brilliant student gave up their studies to respond to the call of the Nation. In November, 1921, the Congress gave permission to the Provincial Committee to start Civil Disobedience if the conditions laid down by Mahatma Gandhi were fulfilled.

Three episodes during the Civil Disobedience Movement in Andhra attracted the attention of the whole country. The first was the Chirala-Perala episode led by Duggirala Gopalakrishnayya. He served for some time in the Government College at Rajahmundry and the National College at Machilipatnam. He was, however, not satisfied with the kind of education that was imparted there. Moreover, after attending the Calcutta Congress in 1920, he was attracted to the programme of Non-co-operation and resolved to dedicate his life to the achievement of Swaraj. For this purpose he trained thousand disciplined band of warriors and gave them the name `Ramadandu'. He put them to test at the All-India Congress Session in Vijayawada to maintain peace and order and the All-India leaders were immensely pleased with the kind of work they did.

Chirala and Perala were two contiguous villages in Prakasam (then part of Guntur) district with a population of 15,000. The Government wanted to combine them into a municipality in 1920. But the people protested against this move because it meant imposition of additional taxes. These protests were not headed to and the municipality was constituted. As a protest against this, all elected councilors resigned. The Government, however, carried on the administration of the municipality with a paid chairman. In January, 1921, the residents refused to pay the municipal taxes. Several of them including a woman were prosecuted, tried and sentenced to imprisonment. This woman was considered to be the first woman in the country to be imprisoned on political grounds. After the All-India Congress session at Vijayawada, Gandhiji came to Chirala. Gopalakrishnayya sought his advice on the future course of action to be taken. Gandhiji suggested two alternatives, (1) to continue the No-Tax Campaign in a non-violent manner and (2) mass exodus of people to the vacant areas beyond the municipal limits. The second would automatically end the municipality. But he made it clear that whatever course they chose the Congress would bear no responsibility and that they must stand on their own legs. Gopalakrishnayya had enough confidence in himself and the people, and in spite of the warning, he persuaded the residents to move to the area outside the municipal limits and raise temporary tenements which he called `Ramanagar'.

It was an unprecedented step in the history of the country. For eleven months people lived there in thatched huts braving the severity of weather. Gopalakrishnayya and his Ramadandu kept up the morale of the people. Their aim was to establish a parallel government and demonstrate to the outside world how Swarajya, as conceived by him, would be like. He constituted an Assembly comprising members elected from each caste and established an arbitration court. Sankirtans and Bhajans kept up the morale of the people. He, however, faced financial difficulties and he went to Berhampore in 1921, when the Andhra Conference was in session to collect some money. There he was prohibited to address the public meetings but he defied the orders. He was arrested and sentenced to one year's imprisonment and sent to Trichinapally. There was no other person who could occupy his place. The Government also took repressive measures against those who built sheds on government lands. People returned to their homes in the municipality at the end of eleven months and reconciled themselves to its constitution. Though the movement failed, the qualities of courage and fearlessness they developed stood them in good stead in the subsequent stages of the freedom movement.

There were similar movements, though not of the same scale or character, in Repalle and Vijayawada municipalities. The Government was not obdurate and yielded to popular pressure and took steps to redress their grievances.

The next episode was the `Forest Satyagraha' of the ryots of Palnad in Guntur district in 1921. The peasants of this place had to pay heavy tax for permission to graze their cattle in forests. When the crops failed that year, they decided to send their cattle into the forests without paying the fee and suffer the penalties. They resorted to social boycott of all government officials and refused supply of even the bare necessaries of life to them. It did not produce the desired change in the attitude of the officials. They took the cattle forcibly, confined them in cattle-pounds and refused to free them unless the fee was paid. There was, therefore, clash between the cattle owners and the armed police that was brought on the scene. In the firing that took place one Kannuganti Hanumanthu was killed. Meanwhile, Gandhiji called off the Non-Co-operation Movement due to some untoward incidents at Chowri Chowra and with this the Palnad Satyagraha also came to an end.

The No-Tax Campaign at Pedanandipadu in Bapatla taluk of Guntur district was the third famous landmark. There was considerable difference of opinion between leaders like Konda Venkatappayya and Mahatma Gandhi with regard to this campaign. Gandhiji wanted to try the experiment first in Bardoli in Gujarat. The local leaders, however, tried to convince him that the conditions laid down for starting such a campaign were fulfilled by the people of this place and they were very keen on starting it. Gandhiji reluctantly gave permission to proceed with it. In January, 1922, when the first instalment of land revenue fell due, a non-payment campaign was started under the leadership of Parvataneni Virayya Chowdery. As a first step the village officers were persuaded to resign so that no land revenue could be collected. The Revenue officials could not collect even five per cent of the demand of land revenue. Repressive measures were resorted to movables, cattle and even lands were attached for non-payment of land tax, but none was present to bid them in the auctions. Military was moved into the area to terrorise them. These did not produce any result. The volunteers worked day in and day out to maintain order and see that no untoward incident took place. Before they proceeded on further action, the movement was called off and the local leaders gave up the No-Tax Campaign, and the taxes were paid.

When the movement was called off, it left the minds of many young men sore and the disappointment took a violent turn in one instance. A rebellion broke out in the agency areas of the Northern Circars under the leadership of Alluri Sitaramaraju (1897--1923). He was a simple and unostentatious young man given to studies of spiritual importance. He was keen on the welfare of the lowly and the innocent. He contributed his mite in the days of the non-co-operation movement and later settled down among the hill tribes of the Visakhapatnam district, spending his time in spiritual practices. The misdeeds of a British contractor, who took pleasure in under-paying the workers drawn from the hill tribes, brought him into a tussle with the police who supported the contractor. This led to encounters between the police and Sitaramaraju, who was supported by the hill tribes under the leadership of the Gamu brothers. Sitaramaraju raided many police stations and carried off guns and powder. The alien Government then made use of all its resources to quell the rebellion. A company of the Assam rifles under the leadership of Saunders was sent there. The campaign lasted nearly for one year from December 1922 and, in the end, many of the followers of Raju, especially the Gamu brothers, were overpowered in an encounter. The rebellion petered off by October 1923. Raju surrendered himself, so it was said, and was shot dead without any trial.

In 1930 when Gandhiji started his salt-campaign, the broad east coast of Andhra became the venue of memorable deeds of many a young man and woman, who in spite of the severe blows of lathis, prepared salt and courted imprisonment. The tremendous awakening, which was an outcome of this movement, resulted in the rout of the parties other than the Congress in the elections of 1937.

The thirties saw the emergence of leftist organisations in Andhra which gave a fillip to the progressive trends. Meanwhile, in 1939, the British Government dragged India into World War II and the Congress ministries resigned.

From 1942, history moved with a quick and vigorous pace. The arrest of the leaders at Bombay on August 9, 1942, provoked the masses. The `Do or Die' message of the National Congress inspired the people of Andhra, who under the leadership of young but devoted workers, brought the functioning of the Government to a stand still for a few days. Many young students and workers faced the bullets cheerfully, to swell the number of those unknown, unwept, and unsung heroes of India who died to make their country live.

Events moved on quickly and, on August 15, 1947, India achieved its Independence. A new Constitution came into force from the 26th of January, 1950, which envisaged the new set-up of Government at the Centre as well as at the States by duly elected representatives from the people on an adult franchise.

The Andhras all along their fight with the British authorities, thought that the exit of the Britishers would facilitate the early formation of the Telugu areas as a separate State. But the Constituent Assembly had to decide otherwise and this proved to be a bitter pill for the Andhras to swallow.

Economic and Social Developments

The period of British rule in India forms a significant chapter in the history of the ancient land. Many aliens came to this land, conquered some parts of the territory, but were soon absorbed as natural citizens of the country. For the first time, the British (and the other European nationals) who conquered and ruled it for a considerable time remained aliens administering a colonial rule and ultimately had to return. The policy that underlined the various measures the British took in legislative, judicial and executive fields was only to tighten their grip over the country and to exploit it to the advantage of their own motherland

However, the very measures they took had, curiously enough, initiated and promoted many positive factors leading to consolidation of the Indian society and their urge for freedom. The colonial rule, of course, left the country impoverished economically, but it unified the nation, which was rudely shocked and, therefore, prepared itself for a searching introspection. This resulted in ushering in a new order, which almost displaced the old one.

As a constituent of India, Andhra region also received its share of these negative and positive forces. Andhra was noted, for a long time since the period of the Satavahanas, for its cloth industry. In spite of several political upheavals, the ports of Andhra had been busy with incoming and outgoing ships of various countries. Even in the early years of the British rule, Andhra flourished as an exporter of fine varieties of cloth, chintz, palampores, etc. Handicrafts and metal crafts also formed a part of the exports along with cloth. Narsapur, in the present-day West Godavari district, was noted for its ship-building activity and some of the Europeans also were customers at the place. There used to be a great demand for indigo, an agricultural product, available only in Andhra and in a few other parts of the country. The over-all exports were far ahead of imports in value and the region earned a lot of foreign exchange, which enabled it to withstand the severity of famines that ravaged the country often.

But the Industrial Revolution which started in England in the latter half of the 18th century, gradually affected the cottage industries of Andhra as well as those in the rest of India. England then turned out to be a manufacturing country. By the aid of machines, the English factories could manufacture finished articles at a lesser cost than those from the cottage industries. Further, the British being the rulers in the country, discouraged the artists and craftsmen by imposing heavy taxes. As a result of these measures the once flourishing cottage industries and handicrafts of Andhra languished and gradually vanished. The finished articles that came out of the factories in England were imported into Andhra and thus began the economic drain which gradually impoverished the country and enriched Great Britain. The synthetic method of preparation of indigo by the western scientists, affected the farmers very badly. The unemployed poor artisans in the villages became agricultural labourers thus swelling the ranks of those that depended on the land.

A greater harm was caused by the `divide and rule' policy of the British. The communal virus thus injected into the political body of the country had vitiated the relations between the Hindus and the Muslims to such an extent that it forced the Indians to agree for the division of India into two independent states. Though Andhras living in the coastal and Rayalaseema districts managed to keep away from this communal divide, those living in the State of Hyderabad had to undergo a lot of suffering in 1946--48 in the wake of a fanatic struggle carried on by Razakars to carve out the Nizam's dominions as an independent Muslim-dominated State. However, the timely action by the Union Government of Free India saved the situation.

But, as mentioned earlier, some of the measures introduced by the alien rulers to safeguard their own interests proved very beneficial to Indians. The political and administrative unity brought in by the Britishers, helped the various, linguistic groups to come together and take pride in being the citizens of a great country with common cultural traditions. The rail-road, the telegraph, the telephone and the newspaper brought all those living in various corners of this vast country come together and to understand each other. This system of communication also helped the transit of goods from one place to the other and was of immense help during the times of famine.

The Britishers, wanted to keep India as a producer of raw materials and as such harnessed the rivers by constructing dams. The dam on the Godavari at Dowleswaram was constructed in 1852 and the one on the Krishna at Vijayawada in 1855. These naturally helped the farmers of the delta areas, though they could not solve the problem of poverty that tormented the people at large.

It must, however, be conceded that the foreigner's rule had resulted in a renaissance that yielded fruitful results in social and cultural fields. The introduction of English as a medium of teaching in schools is the main factor that contributed to this transformation, though it was mainly intended to train Indians for ministerial jobs. This new system of education, unlike the old traditional one, threw open the gates of the schools to all Indians irrespective of caste or creed. A certificate from such a school served as a passport for a job in the service of the Government. The Christian missionaries from England and America also played a notable part in spreading the system.

The introduction of printing press in the State in or about 1810 helped in bringing knowledge to the door-steps of the ordinary readers. As a result, educational activity in Andhra as well as in the rest of India, was influenced by European literatures, modern sciences and democratic ideas that sprung from the knowledge. This knowledge brought out many revolutionary changes in the religious and cultural fields.

This contact with European thought enabled many Hindu leaders to reinterpret Hinduism to strengthen it to withstand the threat from the proselytisation carried on by the Christian missionaries. The reaction to it resulted in the founding of the Brahma Samaj and the Arya Samaj. At the same time, Europeans such as Anne Besant, captivated by the merits of the ancient Hindu and Buddhist thoughts, founded the Theosophical Society. All these gained some following in Andhra, especially among the educated classes.

Telugu literature also underwent a sea-change under the influence of the English writings. The credit for pioneering such a change goes to Kandukuri Veeresalingam Pantulu. He was also responsible for bringing in many social reforms, the main thrust of which was the upliftment of the women's status.

All these revolutionary changes in social and cultural fields found their expression in the urge for freedom among people.

Andhra Pradesh At a Glance

Andhra Pradesh was formed on 1st November, 1956 under the States' reorganisation scheme. It is the fifth largest State with an area of 2,76,754 sq. km, accounting for 8.4 % of India's territory. The State has the longest coastline (972 km) among all the States in India. Andhra Pradesh is endowed with a variety of physiographic features ranging from high hills, undulating plains to a coastal deltaic environment.

Language and Literature

Telugu, the official language of Andhra Pradesh, is described by C.P. Brown as the " Italian of the East ". It has been influenced by Sanskrit. The prominent poets of Telugu include Nannaya, Tikkana,Sri Nathudu, Tenali Rama Krishna, Sri Krishna Devarayulu and a host of others.

Urdu came to the Deccan, late in the 15th century. It flourished during the reign of the Qutubshahi Dynasty. The 17th century was the golden age of Urdu, with poets like Mohammed Quli, Mulla Wajhi, Sheikh Ahmed contributing their literary pieces.

Dance and Drama

Kuchipudi, a blend of music and abhinaya, is Andhra Pradesh's unique contribution to dance.

The dance styles in the State are based on the standard treatises, viz. Abhinaya Darpana and Bharatarnava of Nandikeshwara, which is sub-divided into Nattuva Mala and Natya Mala. Nattuva Mala is of two types - the Puja dance performed on the Balipitha in the temple and the Kalika dance performed in a Kalyana mandapam.Nattuva Mala is of three kinds, viz. Ritual dance for gods, Kalika dance for intellectuals and Bhagavatam for common place.The Natya Mala is a dance-drama performed by a troupe, consisting only of men, who play feminine roles.

The earliest and the original Telugu drama was perhaps " Harishchandra " by Veeresalingam. The commercial troupes started performing in Andhra Pradesh with Dharvada company of Maharashtra, which toured in 1880. It was followed by Sangle of Poona and Bawalivala Parsi of Bombay.

The Telugu stage had a galaxy of versatile actors like Yedavalli Suryanarayana Rao, Uppuluri Sankiva Rao, Sthnam Narsimha Rao and a host of famous actors.

After the advent of cinema, the magic of drama receded.

Fairs and Festivals

Hindu festivals such as Dasara, Deepavali, Sri Ramanavami, Krishna Janmastami, Vinayaka Chavithi (Ganesh Chaturthi) and Maha Sivarathri are celebrated in the State. But the celebrations of Ugadi (Telugu New Year's day), Sankranti,Dasara and Vinayaka Chavithi in the state are unique.

Local Festivals

A widely known festival in Telengana area that falls on Asviyuja Shuddha Dasami (Sep/Oct) is the Batakamma Panduga. It is celebrated for nine days by married women in memory of a Vaisya married woman, who was killed by her own brother on the instigation of his wife. The murdered woman is believed to have manifested herself in her grave as a flowering tree. The Mahankali Jathara in the twin cities is celebrated at the onset of summer to propitiate the local village deities so that pestilence does not strike.

Natural Resources and Agriculture

Andhra Pradesh has bountiful natural resources. Endowed with fertile land, water and conducive agro-climatic conditions, it is an agriculturally-prosperous state. The food grain production during 1999-2000 was 149.05 lakh tonnes as against the average of 122.68 lakh tonnes.

AP is the largest producer of rice in India. It is also the leading producer of cash crops like Tobacco, Groundnut, Chillies, Turmeric, Oilseeds, Cotton, Sugar and Jute. It produces some of the finest varieties of mangoes, grapes, guavas, sapotas, papayas and bananas.

Nearly 75% of its area is covered by the river basins of the Godavari, Krishna and Pennar, and their tributaries. There are 17 smaller rivers like the Sarada, Nagavali and Musi, as well as several streams. Godavari and Krishna are the two major perennial rivers, and with their extensive canal system, provide assured irrigation.

Till Feb. 2000, 1,00,542 progressive farmers have been trained through Farmers' Training Centres.

The key strengths of the state, apart from the agro-climatic conditions and extensive water sources are:

• Large area under vegetables, fruits, flowers & plantation crops - 5,92,655 ha.
• High average rainfall - 925 mm.
• Large number of educational institutions - one agricultural university and 7 agricultural colleges.
• Strong R&D infrastructure with leading institutions like CCMB, ICRISAT, NAARM, MANAGE AND NIRD

Andhra Pradesh At a Glance

o Geographical Area	o Forest
o Administrative Setup	o Factories
o Population	o Electricity
o State Income	o Banking
o Economic Enterprise	o Education
o Employment Census	o Health
o Agriculture	o Transport
o Area Under Principal Crops	o Co-Operation
o Production of Principal Crops	o Local Bodies
o Agriculture (Land Holdings)